🎰 THE MALINDI MAFIA: 'The Italian job was good while it lasted' | The Elephant

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Research has shown how, in extreme situations, followers tend toward primitive prototyping of their leaders, and develop a desire for powerful, charismatic and protective leadership. They were rounded up and harassed by the Chinese police , forcibly evicted from their residences and hotels, and explicitly denied access to restaurants, shopping malls and even hospitals. They do it in communities that they know… where they have friends and shady financial advisors. In being interactive, leadership is by nature dialectical; that is, it is shaped through the interplay of at least two points of reference β€” that of the leader and of the led. This dialectic is often the source of powerful internal tensions within leadership situations. Some had their passports confiscated and were targeted for forced testing and quarantine , regardless of their travel history, whether or not they tested negative for coronavirus, or had been in contact with known COVID patients. Running away from an eight-year jail term in Torini, Fulvio had by bought his way into becoming a Kenya citizen. Amid public fear of the second wave of COVID in China, people of African descent had become primary suspects as potential sources of the virus. Similarly, the official responses showed how the institutionalised narratives of those in formal leadership positions can easily be established as the dominant narratives, thus stifling more marginal attempts to frame contexts. It is possible he was a victim of knowing too much and stumbling on evidence he was not supposed to. The previous year, , the UN Office on Drugs and Crimes had said the Kenya Coast was increasingly used as a transit hub for narcotics on the global circuit. Meanwhile, as calls to African leaders for state-sponsored evacuations grew, Ugandan musician-turned-politician Robert Kyagulanyi Ssentamu, aka Bobi Wine, offered to partner with an American businessman, Neil Nelson, to airlift Ugandans and other Africans from Guangzhou. Quite glaringly, the flare-up in Guangzhou coincided with efforts by African governments to secure debt relief from China owing to severe economic disruptions linked to COVID Ostensibly stuck between a rock and a hard place, it is, therefore, highly likely that their muzzled response was an attempt to protect the cause of possible debt relief by China. But his goodwill gesture was declined. Angelo Ricci and his wife Estella Duminga Furuli were arrested in December in Malindi over what was then believed to have been the biggest cocaine haul ever apprehended on the coastline of the Indian Ocean. As the Coastal police were raiding the Rocchi House, CID officers were simultaneously raiding a container depot at Old Embakasi, where an additional kg of pure cocaine from the same shipment was nabbed. The fierce anger, shock and indignation this aroused manifested on social media, mainly through the ChinaMustExplain and DeportRacistChinese campaigns. The arrest of the Italian couple and the five Kenyans aside, Corriere Della Sera believed that the cocaine haul saga went as far as the highest echelons of the then Mwai Kibaki government. The mistreatment of Africans living in China has tested the quality of African leadership. Until he was apprehended, Mario would strut the streets of Malindi and would be found at his favourite street corner bantering away with his clients and visiting Italians. This disturbing but unsurprising expropriation of African agency across the board suggests that the concerns of African actors only matters insofar as they affect big power politics. When he put the phone down, he sounded relieved and shortly afterwards, our discussion came to an abrupt end. According to the leading Italian daily newspaper Corriere Della Sera, it is because the Kenya Police were ostensibly giving the Malindi cocaine co-conspirators time to flee Malindi and the country. The extradition of Mario and his assumed three other accomplices brings to mind another saga of an Italian couple a dozen years ago, caught in an intricate web of drug trafficking in Malindi. Needless to say, this has generally been registered by the wider African public as a failure by the political elite to provide a voice and accountability to their citizens at the highest level. The governments of Kenya and Nigeria assisted their stranded citizens to find a way out of China. In this way, emergent leadership can easily be superceded by institutionalised leadership, especially when marginal voices are unable to build up a critical mass. Mario flew to Malindi four years ago in He was running away from a criminal charge of deliberately bankrupting his own companies to avoid paying taxes in Italy. Ricci, then believed to be roughly years old and Furuli, 43 years old, had rented Rocchi to six Dutch citizens and one Kenyan, George Kiragu. In any case, the Italian job was good while it lasted, but it is dangerous, really dangerous. They are capable of anything. This is useful for thinking about the reasonable expectation from African citizens for more proactive, protective and robust responses to the situation in Guangzhou, despite potentially not expecting this kind of leadership in ordinary contexts as African leaders have poor track records on accessibility, accountability and delivery. The note says a cartel operating between Venezuela, Kenya and The Netherlands is repackaging tonnes of cocaine to be reshipped to Amsterdam. The Dutch Police must have done their homework thoroughly. First, the Guangzhou incidents show that effective leadership is a function of the interaction between the person who emerges as the leader and the situation at hand, where the situation consists of the followers and the context confronting them. Poli, who is 70 years old, landed in Malindi only in to escape a year and nine month sentence handed down by an Milan court for fiscal fraud and fraudulent bankruptcy. The villa belonged to Pompeo Rocchi, an Italian. Corriere Della Sera had been sucked into the story of the cocaine seizure at Malindi because of the Italian national Ricci, who hailed from Foggia. For many observers, especially less ardent followers of developments in China, the recent incidents in Guangzhou might seem unprecedented. The crisis presented Africa with a leadership moment as states and various societal actors raced to respond. Where racism is found in China today, no group seems to have been more racially maligned than persons of African descent. He insinuates that Malindi has become a centre of money laundering for Italian Mafia looking to hide their loot. This has generally been registered by the wider African public as a failure by the political elite to provide a voice and accountability to African citizens. The saga would also claim a life. The debacle of the cocaine shipment to Mombasa begins in Amsterdam, The Netherlands on December 8, , when the Dutch Police tip off their counterparts in Nairobi about the cocaine haul that has just landed at the Mombasa port in a confidential note. Believe me when I tell you they are capable of anything. Taken together, the responses of African leaders were predictably technical, tactful, and softly worded. By the time the paper began its own investigations, the Riccis had been languishing in a Nairobi jail for 14 months. Although the Dutch authorities alerted the Kenya Police on December 8, it took a whole six days for the latter to move on Malindi on December They raided Rocchi House β€” a villa off the Indian Ocean. Interestingly, it was then left to African leaders and Chinese authorities to react to the framing of the context that was presented by African citizens and their allies. When the appeals by ordinary Africans for direction in this moment of crisis left them feeling they were not being led, emergent leadership became apparent in diverse ways across the continent.{/INSERTKEYS}{/PARAGRAPH} He was an assistant commissioner of police of senior superintendent rank. In December , wrote Bellamy, an Italian, Angelo Ricci, 73, and his wife were arrested after plus kilos of narcotics were uncovered in a speedboat at a house they rented out to tenants who were later charged alongside the couple. There has been no explicit apology, and by extension, no categorical acceptance of culpability from Beijing. What this situation illustrates about followership in Africa is how, despite the often defunct relationship between African leaders and their followers, the double crisis presented by the pandemic and the mistreatment of African citizens in China caused a brief shift in the ways that African publics prototyped their leaders as they anticipated a response. On the one hand, African citizens were left feeling paralysed by the racism targeting their fellow Africans in Guangzhou. Why had the police taken nearly a week to act on the Dutch tip-off? Africans and other observers vociferously condemned the discriminatory acts as racist, demanded explanations from China and pressured African governments and institutions to take action, including by effecting state-sponsored evacuations of Africans stranded in China. Erastus Chemorei, a police officer, was murdered on February 19, Chemorei had been charged with safekeeping of the drug storerooms. In , he had to resign ignominiously from his F1 team because of a race-fixing scam. The Guangzhou situation proved to be a real test of the quality of leadership that exists on the African continent. How much of this cargo could be tainted? It is the busiest port in this part of the world, with the deepest harbour β€” Kilindini β€” capable of accommodating even the largest of the bulk carriers. Also worth noting is that no African Head of State actually made a public statement on the incidents. Over time, Malindi has evolved into a multicultural town whose second language is Italian. The businesses are spread from bakeries to real estate, restaurants to supermarkets. He built his Billionaires Club next to Malindi National Park, of course not without a hue and cry from the locals, who detested his encroaching on the park. Although not a Mafioso himself, he was nevertheless convicted in the s of gambling-related offences. At Mombasa, the cargo was unloaded, sorted then repackaged, some to be reshipped further to Turkey and The Netherlands and the rest retained at the port to be transported by inland container into the hinterland of Kenya and beyond. About 2, businesses in the town, which has a population of ,, are owned or run by Italians. Still, when the police dug deeper, they realised Mario was not only scheming to evade tax, but had deep running connections with the Cosa Nostra β€” the most powerful umbrella mafia organisation in Sicily. Second, the incidents reveal that situations make leaders. It is possible he stumbled on evidence he was not supposed to. All the three were fugitives on the run, cooling their heels in the easygoing. The call had been from Malindi, km southeast of Nairobi city. The police who stormed the villa found a speedboat docked at the villa frontage with kg of pure cocaine. As it is, the Dutch nationals β€” Arian Gorter, Baptiste Hermanj, Johan Neleen, Marinus Hendrick van Wezel, Robertus Johannes and Stehman Hendrik, calmly and quietly packed their belongings in Malindi and flew to Nairobi, where they checked in for a night at a five-star hotel in Nairobi before safely flying out the next day. The Cosa Nostra is made up of local Sicilian Mafia groups and its mainstay is bootlegging, drug trafficking, money laundering and running prostitution rings. The cocaine and heroin drug lords from Colombia and Venezuela in South America loaded their cargo onto transit ships en route the Indian Ocean that would pass through the Strait of Gibraltar, through the Suez Canal via the Red Sea, down to the port city of Mombasa. Guangzhou authorities have, however, put a raft of new measures in place to combat discrimination against Africans and other foreigners in China since early May. Tuimur, who survived the chop from the National Police Service vetting panel in August , has been talking tough and stamping his authority on the area. On the contrary, they publicly concluded, not even a week after the incidents took place, that the matter had been sorted out. Beginning in the late s, when holidaying Italians first discovered Malindi β€” then a back-of-beyond, sand-swept, laidback town with unspoiled beaches, their compatriots, good and bad have since been trooping to the idyllic town. The responses of African leaders to this crisis were predictably technical, tactful, and softly worded. The 1. Recollecting that incident six years later, I could have sworn that that call nearly jolted my friend from his chair. {PARAGRAPH}{INSERTKEYS}The call came at precisely 3. Accordingly, either because of personal inclination or the emergent expectations of the general African public, various individuals and groups found themselves adopting a leadership role, or felt obliged to. He had finally agreed to grant me an interview after I had chased him for months, over a special report I was doing on police reforms. Since , the port has been handling an average of 22 million tonnes annually. My interlocutor could have easily ignored the vibrating mobile phone that was swivelling on the table, but on second thoughts, he chose to pick up the Nokia feature phone. The Malindi cocaine saga would also claim a life. Italy is the only foreign country that has a consulate in the Coastal towns of Mombasa and Malindi. Every year, 30, Italians make a pilgrimage to Malindi. The official counter-responses by both African and Chinese authorities were exclusively elitist, despite being inspired by the response and activism of African netizens.